GONE TO THE DOGS? By Asithandile Gxumisa
From
an old and retired village located in an obscure and tranquil corner of South
Africa, I have caught wind of a rumour as disconcerting as it is praevalent, to
wit: ‘South Africa has gone to the dogs”. Tidings of a gloomy and melancholic
turn, and this rumour happens precisely to be of that kind, are such as customarily
feed my deep and imperishable pessimism. Yet a part of me, that of a patriot
deeply and infinitely in love with everything South African, refuses on this peculiar
occasion to gobble up this dreadful and saddening news. Now I do not for one moment
doubt, for we are credibly informed, that the fortune of all sublunary Kingdoms
and Republics will come to naught eventually, on that great and dolorific Day
when the heavens will pass away with a roar and when all souls will marvel at
the sign of the Son of Man; but I should like to believe, from purely patriotic
motives, that South Africa’s star is auspicious enough to guide her through the
troubles and convulsions of this dark Century.
To
be sure, fellow compatriots, the prevailing and unsettling socio-economic circumstances
of our Republic do not inspire much hope or confidence in many a follower or
observer of public affairs, with the exception, perchance, of the incorrigible
optimist. The publication of the Report by the so-called Zondo Commission
expectedly and meticulously detailing the endemic rot that pervades government
and State-owned Enterprises tells a lamentable story of a crisis-ridden nation that
is going through a leadership emergency of alarming and gigantic proportions.
Afflicted with boundless ambition and stricken by a voracious appetite for
affluence, members of the ruling class have remorselessly bewrayed the majesty
of the South African Republic by betraying to the world at large the painful
and humiliating truth that in them we have governors who will neither hesitate
nor scruple to auction off our precious country as vendible realty to the
highest purchaser. A parricide of parricides!
As
a consequence of these detestable and treasonous public enormities, the perpetration
of which is commonly and regrettably rewarded with impunity, the citizenry has
lost all faith in the integrity and value of our democratic institutions or are
now accustomed increasingly to regard them with disdain and suspicion. The sudden
and mysterious outbreak of a devouring conflagration in the very heart of the
country’s national legislative capital is one more deplorable and shocking indicant
of the ongoing and systemic breakdown of political leadership. No sooner did we
discover from the cavalcade of depredations committed during the July Riots of the
past year, that our law enforcement agencies scarcely can afford to defend the private
property of citizens, than we all learned not many days ago that the infinite and
proverbial incompetence of our political grandees has actually left the resplendent
halls of Parliament and the iconic edifice of the Constitutional Court exposed
to the mischief of incendiaries and vandals.
In
the midst of these calamities and predicaments, I, presumably with many other law-abiding
souls, have yet to recover from the savage and startling manifestations of the impulse
of violence which seems to possess my own contemporaries with devilish power. The
story of a clever and young lady barbarously slain and sawn up into chunks in
East London by a jealous and sadistic boyfriend, or that of a woman whose lifeless
body parts were found stored in a refrigerator by her own paramour, is a sad
and dreary illustration of a people, if I may employ the sombre expression of
an Apostle, ‘in the gall of bitterness, and in the bond of iniquity’. The Prince
of this World is on the prowl.
The
famous and woeful passage of a Seneca who lamented with profound and
penetrating reflections the follies of a sensate Aera might be equally
pertinent to the swelling vanities of our own Age: “The world is full of
crimes and vices. More are committed than can be cured by force. There is an
immense struggle for iniquity. Crimes are no longer hidden, but open before the
eyes. Innocence is not only rare, but nowhere.” Poor old Seneca had lived
long enough to witness a public and powerful man whose beastly and ravenous
libido had driven him to geld a boy for the sole and bizarre purpose of wedding
and bedding him. Alas! we have seen worse than Nero. To resolve the perennial
crises occasioned by vice and criminality, intellectual and cultural evangels
of the ‘New Morality’ have prevailed upon almost all the modern and Christless
world to embrace the autolatrous and utilitarian creed that virtue essentially
consists in performing all those deeds and obligations which are compliant with
an ‘enlightened self-interest’ and conducive to the wellbeing of the greatest
possible number.
You
may add to this shallow yet popular notion the incredible and superstitious
dogma of Progressivists who anticipate with dewy-eyed and groundless confidence
that the whole human race shall be delivered from the shackles of corruption by
the absolute equality and universal opulence that supposedly awaits us all in
the Future. However, seeing as the multiplication of private and public crimes
has established beyond dispute the fatuity of the principle of ‘enlightened self-interest’
as a sound and sustainable sanction of morality, and as the urgency of our
dismal and desperate social conditions cannot wait any longer for that chimerical
catholicon promised by champions of Progressivism, I must hasten to asseverate,
under the unfailing aegis of the ancients, that true morality is one which rests
upon a divine or transcendental sanction of one kind or another.
It
is, therefore, why I often call upon all those who are invested with appreciable
sway over the course of this country to sincerely examine the connexion between
the gradual collapse of religious faith and the aggravation of moral villainy
among us. Harsher and longer confinement sentences, or social and economic ostracism,
may unshackle us for a time from the dread and menace of the malefactors and
murderers against whom we are fortunate enough to secure convictions in keeping
with the forms and maxims of the criminal law. Yet the great chasm between the
incident of sexual offences reported to relevant authorities and the
excruciatingly low rates of convictions for such criminal offences confirms the
frightful words of the Roman statesman, “More (crimes) are committed
than can be cured by force.”
Something
else, something more, something that will penetrate to the cloistered and mystical
alcoves of the conscience is urgently needed in order to domesticate the savage
in man which so often impels him headlong into outrageous impiety and mischief.
‘Order in the soul’, that is to say, the subordination of the vagaries of passion
to the dictates of reason, is that something which we all so desperately
require for the restoration of tolerable order and harmony in the Republic. Do
not take my word for it; I am only a humble and grateful disciple of an old moral
tradition which ennobled and immortalised colossi like Homer, Moses, and Sunni
Maa of the African Danakil Depression. I must now humbly seek the pardon of the
reader for having fixed your attention for so long upon such dismal and
unappetising themes, even if I did so with a fair and prior warning respecting
my personal appetite for the tragic.
I
merely sought, before I got carried away, to draw attention to the events which
form the basis of the cynicism and hopelessness of those who appear to be
convinced that this twenty-eight-year-old democratic Republic is doomed. Now, a
few reasons why we ought not yet to abandon ourselves to despair over the affairs
of our Republican commonwealth. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa,
the repository of the inalienable privileges and rights of citizens, still
enjoys high and wide esteem among the general populace. The flailing and mindless
attacks upon its worth and legitimacy by political opportunists seem incapable
of shaking the attachment of the citizenry to its power and promise. Walter
Sisulu’s daughter recently discovered, by her puerile and populist attempt to attribute
to the document of the Constitution the socio-economic misfortunes of the
African majority, the impatience and displeasure of South Africans at governors
who have perfected scapegoating into an art.
I
cannot help but remark what a great pity it is to witness the glorious lustre of
the Sisulu name and legacy insensibly sink into ignominious notoriety because of
the skulduggery of a reckless and thankless daughter. It is, therefore, a truth
worth celebrating that a generality of citizens are still fully persuaded that the
Constitution affords us all a civil social order which is tolerably compatible
with freedom and justice and deserves all the energy that may be expended and
the trouble that may be suffered so as to conserve it for the benefit of
posterity. There is also something delightful and positive, fellow compatriots,
in the fact that we fail to secure justice for the long succession of barratries
and malversations in government and State-owned Enterprises only after great
and painstaking undertakings towards that end. It is always better that we should
aim for Justice even without a guarantee of success in that endeavour, than
that we should despair entirely of achieving that goal only on the ground that success
is not guaranteed.
So,
if for no other reason, we must still be grateful to the inquiries undertaken by
the various Commissions and the investigations conducted by constitutional
bodies like the Public Protector for their concerted and laborious efforts to ensure
that the transgressions of criminals in public life are punished according to
the rigour of the law. We recently learned from the imprisonment of our quondam
President that no person is above the law; and so, from this precedent we have
grounds to hope for the triumph of the Rule of Law over impunity and lawlessness.
You would be extremely surprised to find how the punishment of President Jacob Zuma
by the Constitutional Court significantly revived the confidence of the
ordinary South African in the institution of the Judiciary and in the broader legal
system.
Of
the upsurge in private and public crimes I have already intimated above that
our best hope is in acknowledging that ‘distempers of the soul’ call for remedies
of a spiritual nature. It often excites in me no small measure of consternation and bewilderment
whenever I recall that my beloved country is without those voices the chief
concern of which is the welfare of the soul of the citizen. The moral
authority of Christian ministers is greatly diminished on account of countless
scandals committed by famous members of their own body, or by their pusillanimous
capitulation to the hellish and impious doctrine of Caesaropapism since the
beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. Representatives of the African spiritual
tradition stand absolutely no chance in a thoroughly secularised and modernised
world – even as the marvel of the spiritual customs and institutions of our ancestors
fades away in the blazing glare of scientific innovations and revelations.
Do
not be alarmed at my sorrow over the impending extinction of the African
spiritual tradition. I may be an orthodox Christian wholly persuaded that the moral
hopes and aspirations of all persons and nations are fulfilled entirely in Christ
the Son of God; yet in the midst of the evangelical impotence of Christianity,
a phenomenon which says a lot more about Twenty-first Century Christians
than Christianity, I would still more gladly prefer neighbours who also
subscribed to a transcendental creed of one kind or another than compatriots
whose minds are benighted by the desolate and degrading philosophy of
materialists. Accordingly, in order more effectually to grapple with the cognate
crises of vice and criminality, we have to defer to the light of Patrick Henry’s
‘lamp of experience’, to wit, the collective and time-honoured wisdom of our human
ancestors.
“The
communication of the dead is tongued with fire beyond the language of the
living”, so wrote a T.S. Elliot who earnestly sought in his own time and country
to enkindle the waning veneration of his countrymen for what he called ‘the Permanent Things’. If you will not give heed to my voice, admittedly being that of a living man like yourselves
intimately implicated in the follies and vanities of his own Age, then I humbly exhort
you to seriously attend to the ‘communication of the dead’ which has ever affirmed
in every age and land that God, and not Man, is the measure of all things. And
for as long as we are at liberty thus to speak freely in this great and
beautiful country, we do not have any reason yet to give up on the fortune
and future of the Republic of South Africa.
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